Why does the definition of civil society matter to the evaluation of political transitions in Asia Essay Example Essay Example

Why does the definition of civil society matter to the evaluation of political transitions in Asia? Essay Example Paper Why does the definition of civil society matter to the evaluation of political transitions in Asia Essay Introduction The political configurations of constituent nations in the Asian continent have seen many significant changes over the last fifty years. The conclusion of the Second World War served as the precipitant event in transforming the erstwhile colonies in Asia into independent, sovereign nations. But, not all transformations have led to positive consequences. It would be simplistic to not look beyond official labels attached to governments in these nations. For example, classifying an Asian nation as a democracy or a dictatorship without taking into account the complex and often subtle political realities can lead to distorted perceptions. It is the objective of this essay to understand the real social, economic and demographic parameters that define a civil society and evaluate political transitions in Asia in this context. Many analysts have pointed out that the salient features of a vibrant democracy are quite different from superficial symbols of a democratic setup as seen in many coun tries across Asia. For example, in countries such as Indonesia, Philippines, etc, which were colonies of European imperial powers until half a century back, the effects of the protracted period of imperialism are still evident in the way their institutions function. These post-colonial societies are at crossroads of history and have to overcome challenges in the realm of economics and politics if they are to emerge as competent players in the new world order. In order to make an objective assessment of political transitions in Asia, we need to adopt a broad historical approach to the subject. While wide-ranging references add to the merit of analysis, care has been taken not to indulge in standards of moral relativism when evaluating the state of democracy in this region. Why does the definition of civil society matter to the evaluation of political transitions in Asia? Essay Body Paragraphs To begin with, let us consider the case of East Timor and its turbulent road to independence. It is now accepted in hindsight that the Indonesian invasion of East Timor in 1975 was a blatant act of aggression, although it is a well documented fact that the western media did not strictly condemn the Indonesian atrocities in East Timor as and when it happened. By giving due consideration to facts and by applying universally accepted standard of human rights, it is obvious that the invasion of East Timor was perpetrated by an Indonesian leadership that is both authoritarian and ruthless (Fox, 2004). More than two decades later, with Megawati Sukarnoputri contending for political leadership of the country, the dark legacy of authoritarianism is still part of the fabric of the political establishment. This can be discerned from the fact that Megawati made no concessions to Timorese independence (not even local level autonomy) in the lead up to the elections. This goes to prove that democr acy and the instrument of elections alone are not sufficient for imposing acceptable standards of freedom, equality and justice in a country, which goes to strengthen the thesis that superficial labels and nominal institutions does not imply a functioning democracy (Razack, 2006). This is true as much in Asia as anywhere else in the world. Also, the catastrophe in East Timor cannot be divorced from the broader equations of power and dominance. While the close diplomatic relationship between the United States of America and Australia is well known, the role assumed by Indonesia as a subordinate agent of these two more powerful entities is not often mentioned in political scholarship. To elaborate further, for nearly forty years since 1965, the Australian government supported the atrocities carried out by General Suharto in neighbouring Indonesia. Jonathan Fox draws out this case of hypocrisy in an emphatic style thus, â€Å"During the long years of Suharto’s dictatorship, whi ch was shored up by western capital, governments and the World Bank, state terrorism on a breathtaking scale was ignored. Australian prime ministers were far too busy lauding the â€Å"investment partnership† in resource-rich Indonesia. Suharto’s annexation of East Timor, which cost the lives of a third of the population, was described by the foreign minister Gareth Evans as â€Å"irreversible†. As Evans succinctly put it, there were â€Å"zillions† of dollars to be made from the oil and gas reserves in the Timor Sea†. (Fox, 2004) Another important aspect of post-independent history of this region is the blatant disregard for legislative power as well as the judiciary. As a result, several leaders have misappropriated their executive powers to impose emergency rule over the citizens and civil institutions, making the institution of democracy a total farce. While several justifications have been forwarded for the application of emergency powers, none has been accepted as valid by neutral observers of the international community. This infringement on legal and parliamentary authority had happened in almost all nations of the South East Asian bloc, including Indonesia and Philippines, which is ironical considering the fact that these two nations were supposed to be the more advanced in the region. The invoking of emergency powers by President Fidel Ramos in Philippines remains a classic case of abuse of power (Razack, 2006). A disturbing trend witnessed in East Asian democracies is the smooth transformation of the old authoritarian elite into top leadership of political parties. This defeats the very purpose of intended progressive changes, as those individuals accustomed to exercising autocratic rule assume roles in democratic institutions. Author Mervyn Bendle cites the example of the KMT in Thailand, the leaders of which held undisputed power in the country’s days of dictatorship as well as in the new period of democrac y. While political organization might have changed for the better, the regime has effectively been the same. The successful entry of authoritarian ruling class into democratic institutions is achieved, as in Thailand and Philippines, through patronage and intimidation of uninformed, illiterate and underprivileged masses. This is clearly evident from the re-emergence of autocrats from the Marcos era in the Philippines. So, political transitions in Asia need to be seen in their overall impact on civil society, as opposed to basing the assessment on token and illusory indicators of progress and prosperity (Bendle, 2005). A deeper analysis of the Asian polity reveals several nexuses between political parties and business corporations. In almost all countries of the region, the influential business class interferes in democratic processes, thereby undermining the will of the electorate. Razack terms this phenomenon as â€Å"money politics†, where political manoeuvres that favour b usiness interests can be bought with money. The disconnection between the military and electoral democracy is another major concern for people of the region. The South East Asian region had seen its share of military coups, which subvert the power of the citizens in determining political outcomes. The central financial institutions of the region wield too much power in shaping economic policies. Moreover, the central banks of Thailand and Korea basically act as agents of the IMF. The policy framework within which they work ensures that the international economic order is maintained, even at the cost of depriving its own citizens’ basic necessities of living (Razack, 2006). Considering that China is predicted to be the next global superpower and at present the fastest growing economy, it requires a more detailed analysis. For the prospects and fortunes of China and its people will have ripple effects on other nations in the Asian continent. To gain a historical perspective on this key nation, we should go as far back as the communist revolution of the late 1940s, and the subsequent formation of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1949, since when many developments have taken place both within the party as well as for Chinese citizens. The CCP and its cadres â€Å"are changing in ways that make creative solutions to political governance problems feasible than a repeated violent reaction to social change, as in 1989† (Smith, 2003). While progress and reform is on the party agenda, its leadership still retains useful traditions and customs. A case in point is the utilization of nomenklatura system for selecting party leaders. Its critics will point to its shortcomings, including its inability to curb corruption within the party ranks. But the nomenklatura system was not devised to deter corruption. Also, the cadre responsibility system was meant to act as an analytical tool for zeroing in on the primary goals of the party and assessing the success o f various policy initiatives; and it has proved equal to this stated objective (Dickson, 2006). The political transitions in China over the last sixty years have not been without moments of indiscretion and impasse. When in September of 1949, the communist revolution was complete and the CCP ascended to power, the people of China were relieved and also hopeful; Relieved of closing a conflict-ridden chapter of their recent history and hopeful of a brighter future. It can safely be said that their hopes were fulfilled to a large extent. The CCP has to be credited for bringing about a degree of economic and political stability in the first decade of their reign. The subsequent years proved to be more challenging for the CCP leadership, which had to deal with famine caused by its Great Leap Forward program. From these early days, when the party and its members were still learning the ropes of governance it has now become a sophisticated and well coordinated political machine. The party building efforts in modern urban settlements (also called ‘shequ’) is an innovative move (Smith, 2003). Further, â€Å"Such local experiments in limited political reform are creating a mixed regime based on one-party rule, Mandarin traditions, and intra-party elections, which will be democratic in its own terms even if not by Western standards.Chinese business classes are likely to play a role that their European counterparts did in the past by eventually promoting democratization†. (Smith, 2003) We will write a custom essay sample on Why does the definition of civil society matter to the evaluation of political transitions in Asia? Essay Example specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Why does the definition of civil society matter to the evaluation of political transitions in Asia? Essay Example specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Why does the definition of civil society matter to the evaluation of political transitions in Asia? 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